December 2014, Rev. ed.
Children’s development of the cognitive and social skills needed for later success in school may be best supported by a parenting style known as responsive parenting.1 Responsiveness is an aspect of supportive parenting described across different theories and research frameworks (e.g. attachment, socio-cultural) as playing an important role in providing a strong foundation for children to develop optimally.2-4 Parenting that provides positive affection and high levels of warmth and is responsive in ways that are contingently linked to a young child’s signals (“contingent responsiveness”) are the affective-emotional aspects of a responsive style.5 These aspects, in combination with behaviours that are cognitively responsive to the child’s needs, including the provision of rich verbal input and maintaining and expanding on the child’s interests, provide the range of support necessary for multiple aspects of a child’s learning.6
Acceptance of the child’s interests with responses that are prompt and contingent to what the child signals supports learning, in part, by facilitating the child’s development of mechanisms for coping with stress and novelty in his or her environment.2 With repeated positive experiences, a trust and bond develop between the child and parent that in turn allow the child to ultimately internalize this trust and then generalize their learning to new experiences. This sensitive support promotes the child’s continued engagement in learning activities with his or her parent.7,8 Thus, these affective-emotional behaviours communicate the parent’s interest and acceptance, fostering self-regulation and cooperation, critically important behaviours for effective learning to occur. From a socio-cultural viewpoint, cognitively responsive behaviours (e.g. maintaining versus redirecting interests, rich verbal input) are thought to facilitate higher levels of learning because they provide a structure or scaffold for the young child’s immature skills, such as developing attentional and cognitive capacities.9 Responsive behaviours in this framework promote joint engagement and reciprocity in the parent-child interaction and help a child learn to assume a more active and ultimately independent role in the learning process.10 Responsive support for the child to become actively engaged in solving problems is often referred to as parental scaffolding, and is also thought to be key for facilitating children’s development of self-regulation and executive function skills, behaviours that allow the child to ultimately assume responsibility for their well-being.11,12
Responsive parenting is one of the aspects of parenting most frequently described when we try to understand the role the environment plays in children’s development. Research shows it has the potential to promote normal developmental trajectories for high-risk children, such as those from low-income backgrounds and/or those with very premature births.13 In contrast, unresponsive parenting may jeopardize children’s development, particularly those at higher risk for developmental problems.14 The critical importance of responsive parenting is highlighted by recent evidence identifying links between high levels of early responsive parenting and larger hippocampal volumes for normally developing preschool aged children. Increased volume in this brain region is associated with more optimal development of a number of psychosocial factors (e.g., stress reactivity).15 Links between early responsive parenting and increased volume in the hippocampal region also suggest that the early developmental period is an important time to facilitate responsive parenting practices, especially in high risk families, in order to enhance the parent-child relationship. Given the potential importance of responsive parenting, more specific knowledge of the types of behaviours that are most important for supporting particular areas of a child’s learning could further our understanding of how to facilitate effective parenting practices.
Despite the central role for responsive parenting in different research frameworks, much of what we know about this parenting style comes from descriptive studies. This means that we can only infer the importance of responsive parenting. To assume a causal influence of responsive parenting on child outcomes would require data from experimental studies with random assignment. A strong body of experimental studies that demonstrate how greater degrees of responsive parenting promote higher levels of learning could provide a clearer understanding of the mechanism by which responsive behaviours promote a child’s learning. Fortunately, there is growing evidence from interventions targeting the facilitation of responsive parent practices that show positive results and some evidence that when responsive behaviours are increased children showed at least short-term increases in cognitive, social, and emotional skills.16,17 However, many questions still need to be addressed including whether there is specificity between particular responsive behaviours and the support they provide for certain areas of child development as well as whether there are sensitive periods of early development when particular types of responsive behaviours are most helpful.
Young children’s acquisition of problem solving, language and social-emotional skills is facilitated by interactions with their parents. There is some evidence that the mechanism by which responsiveness supports a child’s development may be dependent on consistency across development in this parenting style.13,18 As the child and parent are part of a broader social context, many factors may support or impinge on a parent’s consistent use of responsive behaviours. Personal factors that may compromise a parent’s responsiveness include depression, perception of the parent’s own child-rearing history as negative, or beliefs and attitudes that detract from a parent’s sense of importance in his or her child’s life.19 However, other factors, such as higher levels of social support from friends and family, can buffer some of these negative social-personal factors13 as well as predict which parents move from a non-responsive to a responsive style with intervention.20 This is an encouraging finding, as parenting interventions can be developed to provide a level of social support mothers from high-risk social backgrounds need in order to develop responsive parenting styles.21
Key Research Questions
- Do increases in parent responsiveness behaviours result in increases in young children’s learning?
- Can interventions targeting responsive parenting work for different types of high risk parents?
- Do increases in the various aspects of responsiveness explain the positive changes in different aspects of cognitive and social development?
- Is there an optimal time in the child’s development when responsiveness is particularly important, or is consistency across development necessary for more optimal learning to occur?
- Is parental responsiveness equally effective, or does its effectiveness vary for children with varying characteristics (e.g., socio-economic status, ethnicity, biological risk factors)?
Recent Research Results
A recent random assignment intervention study examined whether mothers’ responsive behaviours could be facilitated and whether such behaviours would boost young children’s learning.6 To also examine the most optimal timing for intervention (e.g. across infancy versus the toddler/preschool period versus both), families from the intervention and non-intervention groups were re-randomized at the end of the infancy phase, to either receive the responsiveness intervention in the toddler/preschool period or not.22 The intervention was designed to facilitate mothers’ use of key behaviours that provided affective-emotional support and those that were cognitively responsive, as both types of support were expected to be necessary to promote learning. After the infancy phase, mothers receiving the intervention showed strong increases in all responsiveness behaviours and their infants showed higher levels and faster growth rates in a range of skills. For example, independent problem-solving during toy play showed greater increases for infants whose mothers received the intervention compared to infants whose mothers did not receive the intervention. Affective-emotional and cognitively responsive behaviours together mediated the effect of the intervention on children’s learning, demonstrating that the effectiveness of responsiveness can best be understood if defined as a broad construct. In addition, different aspects of children’s learning were specifically improved by certain specific responsive behaviours. For instance, children’s cooperation was best improved by mothers’ increased use of contingent responsiveness and verbal encouragement and by their less frequent restriction of the children’s activities, while children’s use of words was best improved by mothers’ more frequently maintaining children’s attention on their interests and labelling objects or actions.
Examination of evidence for the most optimal timing of an intervention showed that it depended upon factors such as the type of support a responsive behaviour provided and the degree to which it was linked to a child’s developmental needs. For example, behaviours such as warm sensitivity (from an attachment framework) were best facilitated during the infancy phase, while those that were more complex, as they had to be responsive to the child’s changing developmental picture (e.g., contingent responsiveness), required both intervention phases. The effects of the intervention also generalized to positively influence parent and child behaviours during a shared book reading activity, even though this activity was not a specific focus of the intervention.23 The intervention worked equally well with children who were or were not at high biological risk.13,22 This supports the notion that responsiveness facilitates learning through parental sensitivity and willingness to meet young children’s individual needs. Finally, interventions targeting responsive parenting practices also show similar positive effects for parents of varying risk factors (e.g., teen versus adult parents).24
Recent findings from experimental studies demonstrate that some areas of a child’s learning are best supported by specific responsiveness behaviours or combinations of these. Now research is needed to further delineate this specificity between particular types of responsive support and particular developmental goals.
Expanding our understanding of how responsive parenting looks and works across different family and child characteristics would add to the development of a more highly specified model of responsive parenting. Finally, determination of what supports need to be in place to assist parents with their attempts to be responsive could enhance the effectiveness of responsive parent interventions.
Responsive parenting, according to many descriptive studies and fewer experimental studies, is an important process for supporting young children’s learning. There is now support for a causal role of responsive parenting, as greater gains in the parental behaviours associated with a responsive style were responsible for the effect of several parenting interventions on greater gains in young children’s learning.6,22,24 Also, recent evidence for normally developing children showing links between early high levels of responsive parenting and increased volume in brain regions responsible for regulation of stress suggests the critical importance of this parent practice in early development.15
As both normal and high-risk children benefited from responsiveness that provided affective-emotional and cognitively responsive support, the effectiveness of responsiveness seems best understood when it is defined as a broad construct. Recent evidence shows that certain responsive behaviours may provide different types of support for children’s learning and this support may vary depending on a child’s developmental needs. There are many new research avenues that need to be explored and questions addressed in recent studies that require further examination.
The importance of responsive parenting for young children’s well-being has many policy implications. Policy and practice decision-makers need to pay particular attention to parents who are most at risk: they need find ways to facilitate change in parents’ behaviours, taking into consideration factors such as parent beliefs, social support, mental health status, in order to maximize effectiveness. Synthesis of relevant research should guide new investments in parent programs and the development of research initiatives concerning responsive parenting. Developmental science is frequently not well integrated into policy or program application. Given the critically important role of early experience in brain development, policy-makers have an interest in making sure that young children’s environments (e.g. home, child care) are of high enough quality to promote positive outcomes. When new investments are made in publicly funded services for children and families, there is often a greater emphasis on accountability. This should serve to encourage a greater consideration of research-based evidence that can better assure program effectiveness.
- Bornstein MH, Tamis-Lemonda CS. Maternal responsiveness and cognitive development in children. In: Bornstein MH, ed. Maternal responsiveness: Characteristics and consequences. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass;1989:49-61.
- Ainsworth M, Blehar M, Waters E, Wall S. Patterns of attachment: A psychological study of the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum; 1978.
- Grusec JE, Goodnow JJ. Impact of parental discipline methods on the child's internalization of values: A reconceptualization of current points of view. Developmental Psychology 1994;30(1):1-19.
- Rogoff B. Apprenticeship in Thinking. New York, NY: Oxford University Press; 1990.
- Stroufe LA. Infant-caregiver attachment and patterns of adaptation in preschool: The roots of maladaptation and competence. In: Perlmutter M, ed. Minnesota Symposia in Child Psychology. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum; 1983:41-83. Vol. 16.
- Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR. Responsive parenting: Establishing early foundations for social, communication, and independent problem solving. Developmental Psychology 2006;42(4):627-642.
- Maccoby EE, Martin JA. Socialization in the context of the family: Parent-child interactions. In: Mussen PH, Hetherington EM, eds. Handbook of child psychology. 4th ed. New York, NY: Wiley; 1983:1-101. Socialization, personality, and social development; vol. 4.
- Baumrind D. Rearing competent children. In: Damon W, ed. Child development today and tomorrow. San Francisco, CA: Jossy-Bass; 1989:349-378.
- Tomasello M, Farrar JM. Joint attention and early language. Child Development 1986;57(6):1454-1463.
- Vygotsky LS. Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Harvard University Press; 1978.
- Bernier A, Carlson SM, Whipple N. From external regulation to self-regulation: Early parenting precursors of young children’s executive functioning. Child Development 2010;81:326-339.
- Hammond SI, Muller U, Carpendale JIM, Bibok MB, Liebermann-Finestone DP. Developmental Psychology 2012;48(1):271-281.
- Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR, Assel MA, Vellet S. Does early responsive parenting have a special importance for children's development or is consistency across early childhood necessary? Developmental Psychology 2001;37(3):387-403.
- Landry SH, Smith KE, Miller-Loncar CL, Swank PR. Predicting cognitive-linguistic and social growth curves from early maternal behaviors in children at varying degrees of biological risk. Developmental Psychology 1997;33(6): 1040-1053.
- Luby JL, Barch DM, Belden A, Gaffrey MS, Tillman R, Casey B, Tomoyuki N, Suzuki H, Botteron KN. Maternal support in early childhood predicts larger hippocampal volumes at school age. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science 2012;109(8):2854-5849.
- Van Zeijl J, Mesman J, Van IJzendoorn MH, Bakermans-Kraneburg MJ, Juffer F, …, Alink LRA. Attachment-based intervention for enhancing sensitive discipline in mothers of 1- to 3-year-old children at risk for externalizing behavior problems: A randomized controlled trial. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 2006;74:994-1005.
- Dunst CJ, Kassow DZ. Caregiver sensitivity, contingent social responsiveness, and secure infant attachment. Journal of Early and Intensive Behavior Intervention 2008;5:40-56.
- Bradley RH, Caldwell BM, Rock S. Home environment and school performance: A ten year followup and examination of three models of environmental action. Child Development 1988;59(4):852-867.
- Belsky J, Hertzog C, Rovine M. Causal analyses of multiple determinants of parenting: Empirical and methodological advances. In: Lamb M, Brown A, Rugoff B, eds. Advances in Developmental Psychology. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates;1986:153-202. Vol 4.
- Guttentag C, Pedrosa-Josic C, Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR. Individual variability in parenting profiles and predictors of change: Effects of an intervention with disadvantaged mothers. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 2006; 27(4):349-369.
- Dieterich SE, Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR. Impact of community mentors on maternal behaviors and child outcomes. Journal of Early Intervention 2006; 28(2):111-124.
- Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR, Guttentag C. A responsive parenting intervention: The optimal timing across early childhood for impacting maternal behaviors and child outcomes. Developmental Psychology 2008;44(5):1335-1353.
- Landry SH, Smith KE, Swank PR, Zucker T, Crawford AD, Solari EF. The effects of a responsive parenting intervention on parent-child interactions during shared book reading. Developmental Psychology. 2012;48(4), 366-392
- Guttentag CL, Landry SH, Williams JM, Baggett KM, Noria CW, Borkowski JG, Swank PR, Farris JR, Crawford AD, Lanzi RG, Carta JJ, Warren SF, Ramey SL. “My baby & me”: Effects of an early comprehensive parenting intervention on at-risk mothers and their children. Developmental Psychology 2014;50(5), 1482-1496.
First edition of this paper was financed by the Canadian Council on Learning - Early Childhood Learning Knowledge Centre
Having warm, supportive parents early on correlates with success in adulthood. Agent Illustrateur/Ikon Images hide caption
Having warm, supportive parents early on correlates with success in adulthood.Agent Illustrateur/Ikon Images
Most of us don't remember our first two or three years of life — but our earliest experiences may stick with us for years and continue to influence us well into adulthood.
Just how they influence us and how much is a question that researchers are still trying to answer. Two studies look at how parents' behavior in those first years affects life decades later, and how differences in children's temperament play a role.
The first study, published Thursday in Child Development, found that the type of emotional support that a child receives during the first three and a half years has an effect on education, social life and romantic relationships even 20 or 30 years later.
Babies and toddlers raised in supportive and caring home environments tended to do better on standardized tests later on, and they were more likely to attain higher degrees as adults. They were also more likely to get along with their peers and feel satisfied in their romantic relationships.
"It seems like, at least in these early years, the parents' role is to communicate with the child and let them know, 'I'm here for you when you're upset, when you need me. And when you don't need me, I'm your cheerleader,' " says Lee Raby, a psychologist and postdoctoral researcher at the University of Delaware who led the study.
Raby used data collected from 243 people who participated in the Minnesota Longitudinal Study of Risk. All the participants were followed from birth until they turned 32. "Researchers went into these kids' home at times. Other times they brought the children and their parents to the university and observed how they interacted with each other," Raby tells Shots.
Of course, parental behavior in the early years is just one of many influences, and it's not necessarily causing the benefits seen in the study. While tallying up the results, the researchers accounted for the participants' socioeconomic status and the environment in which they grew up.
Ultimately, they found that about 10 percent of someone's academic achievement was correlated with the quality of their home life at age three. Later experiences, genetic factors and even chance explain the other 90 percent, Raby says.
And a child's psychological makeup is a factor as well.
The second study, also published in Child Development, found that children's early experiences help predict whether or not they end up developing social anxiety disorder as teenagers — but only for those who were especially sensitive and distrustful as babies.
For this study, researchers from the University of Maryland observed how 165 babies interacted with their parents. When separated from their parents, some got upset but quickly recovered when they were reunited. Other babies had a harder time trusting their parents after a brief separation, and they weren't able to calm down after being reunited.
Those extra-sensitive babies were more likely to report feeling anxious socializing and attending parties as teenagers.
So what does this all mean? For one, it means that human development is complicated, according to Jay Belsky, a professor of human development at the University of California, Davis who was not involved in either study.
We know that our early experiences likely affect all of us to a certain extent, Belsky says. And we know that due to variations in psychological makeup, some people are more sensitive to environmental factors than others.
But that doesn't mean people can't recover from bad childhood experiences. "For some, therapy or medication may help," Belsky says. "And it's interesting, because there's now other evidence suggesting that the very kids who succumb under bad conditions are the ones who really flourish under good ones."